| - | - |
Before the Beep: A Short History of Voice MailThomas Y. Levin
-- Siegfried Giedion1 Before the Beep A dramatic advance in voice storage, processing and retrieval technologies has taken place during the last few years, a transformation that has already begun to show up in appliances that have suddenly begun to 'talk', announcing with uninvited familiarity that 'you have twenty three messages' or reminding one, as a rented car did recently in an annoyingly insistent manner, to fasten one's seatbelt. In America the futuristic thrill of navigating a complex of touch-tone menus in order to avoid an interminable hold and the resulting musak migraine is by now a commonplace. Prompted by pre-recorded, synthetic voices, we are increasingly encountering and exploiting all sorts of interactive, remote controlled, intelligent data processing machines. What I am referring to, of course, is the conjunction of affordable, high speed computing power and sophisticated, as well as affordable, AD (analogue to digital) and DA (digital to analogue) conversion devices, i.e. contraptions that translate sound into digital information and vice-versa. Among the more visible of the various products that this alliance has produced in conjunction with the telephone, for example, is the phenomenon of voice mail, i.e. the step beyond the (still largely) electro-magnetic answering machine to the digitalised storage of analogue traces which can be retrieved (re-analogised) upon command. Even more state-of-the-art is voice email. Transmitted via the already widespread networks for electronic mail, voice email allows one to 1) play back email as acoustic information, 2) transmit voice messages via a computer network (send someone a greeting that they will 'hear' when they 'read' their 'mail', 3) verbally annotate a file as it scrolls by on somebody else's screen, and 4) -- this is still in its very initial stages -- speak data into the computer rather than typing it. Sound is thus slowly breaking into the domain of digital information processing systems, expanding a computer age still largely dominated by text (i.e. data and word processing) and (increasingly) image (autocad, etc.). As an unabashedly logocentrist author in PC Magazine puts it, rehearsing a litany of phonocentrist clichés: Why would you want to hear voices over your network? Because, as humans, we used verbal expressions years before we began writing, and for many people verbalising is easier and more satisfying than jotting thoughts down on paper. Speaking potentially evokes greater emotion, conveys greater sincerity, and promotes a higher level of trust than writing. What this means is that, most likely, in the years to come people will be using more and more voice in their 'documents', including, of course, dispatches of electronic voice mail. The computer is becoming a site of tele-phony, a sending of the voice as data. But...for your voice to be sent, it must...be translated into a form that can be stored, transported and reproduced; it too must, in other words, become writing.2 However strange the idea of writing with sound, I think most people do have some memory of a primitive voice mail experience, probably that now charmingly anachronistic use of the post to send friends recorded 'letters' (acoustic epistles) on audiocassette tape, or, depending upon your age, on records recorded in booths specially outfitted for that purpose. I describe these as primitive, of course, only because of the dramatic discrepancy between the speed and quality of the recording and the much slower rate of their subsequent transmission, a frustrating inequality that may well be one of the reasons for their ultimate failure.3 Nevertheless, it is just this sort of rather literal voice mail or acoustic sendings that concern me here, that is, voice mail understood as the inscription, storage and retrieval of acoustic traces on material media physically sent to a destination. For this sort of seemingly retrograde voice transmission may well explain a lot about the more sophisticated voice mail systems that so many of us increasingly revel in, resist and/or resent. What follows, then, is a provisional archaeology of this sort of voice mail, a history that culminates with the beep of that currently most widespread type of voice mail technology: the answering machine. The answering machine itself, however, is hardly as 'completely modern' as most people assume. Indeed, this now so widespread domestic technology was in fact invented in 1898 by the Danish physicist and engineer Valdemar Poulsen (1869 - 1942), pioneer of wireless or radio telegraphy and the man who broke the Marconi monopoly in the British Empire. Poulsen first presented his device to the public at the Paris Exhibition in 1900, officially divulging the details of his discovery in the 22 September 1900 issue of Scientific American,4 the same year Freud published The Interpretation of Dreams. And yet this late nineteenth century contraption -- known variously as the 'recording telephone' the telegraphone, the telegraphophone or the telephonograph -- did not differ in any fundamental technical way from our contemporary answering machines. Patented in 1899 as a means of 'storing up speech or signals by magnetic influence', the telegraphone employed a steel wire or band (and soon thereafter a steel disc) instead of the now ubiquitous magnetic tape, recording acoustic information in the form of electro-magnetic impulses and allowing for the indefinite storage or subsequent obliteration of these inscriptions on a medium whose inscribability was in no way compromised by being erased. In fact, the quality of the recordings were lauded by contemporary science writers as being significantly better than those of the phonograph. Even the employment of this device was from the start hardly different from that of today. But why, if the answering machine was effectively invented in the nineteenth century, did it take so long to get developed? Why, for example, did it take thirty years before an article in the New York Times of 27 June 1931 announced the impending marketing of the first telegraphone in the US with the headline 'Phone Messages to be Recorded'? Of
crucial concern here is the fact that the invention of the answering machine
marks an important shift in the voice mail paradigm, belonging to a technological
episteme in which the voice itself travels per telephone and activates
a remote inscription device. Here, in other words, the sending, the epistellein
of the epistle, the materiality of the transmission, appears to have been
dramatically transformed, having become as rapid as the act of recording.
Despite this seeming instantaneity, however, I would suggest that it is
a mistake to succumb to the temptation of considering telephonic or digital
voice mail as no longer material, since -- as anybody who has had a 'bad'
telephone connection knows -- the media of such inscriptions must still
be understood as having a materiality, albeit one whose phenomenality
is of a very different order, i.e. is no longer tangible. In other words,
the missives of telephonic and digital voice mail still get lost, misdirected,
damaged, delayed, etc., just as did their more primitive predecessors.
What the newer forms allow one to overlook, however, is the very fact
of that materiality and the practice of inscription which is their condition
of possibility. The ur-history of that materiality, of the longstanding
dream of voice mail, will hopefully make clear that the history of voice
mail cannot be understood apart from the history of the attempts to capture
the acoustic, to render sound as writing, the history of the graphe or
gramme of phone, which is to say, the history of the phonograph and gramophone.
The
vision of voice mail is a motif that dates back not three decades, as
one might expect, but almost three centuries.5 According to
some accounts, this rather long history of voice mail begins in China
during the reign of K'ang-hsi in the seventeenth century. A device, invented
by Chiang Shun-hsin of Hui-chou, which became known as the 'thousand-mile
speaker' allowed a sender to speak into a wooden cylinder which was then
sealed and sent sometimes thousands of miles. On arrival, the recipient
broke open the seal and the voice message re-sounded. Basically, the idea
here is that since sound is a spatial phenomenon (a vibrating mass of
air), if you could capture that vibrating air mass in some sort of container,
you could liberate it from its tie to the body, to presence. A similar
image of sound conserved in tubes recurs on a number of occasions, such
as the seemingly well-known speaking-tube described in the Greek scholar
Giovanni Battista Porta's Magia Naturalis of 1589. The primitive model
of physical conservation here is given a subtle (and literal) twist by
J. J. Becher's 1682 description of the stentrophonium which
this adviser to Prince Ruprecht of Pfalz is reported to have discovered
in the workshop of a Nuremberg optician and mechanical artisan named F.
Grundel. This machine, so Becher claims, was capable of 'catching many
words as an echo by means of a spiral line within a bottle in such a way
that one could carry it for almost an hour over land' and then, upon opening,
the words would sound anew. Even Becher describes the idea as fantastic,
but notes that one ought not fail to attempt to make it a reality (note
here the invocation of another important proto-gramophonic form: the spiral). Or take
the following example from 1632. In the Bibliotheque Nationale there is
a thin little book with the title 'Le Courrier Veritable' (the true mail!):
no author, no publisher but just a note indicating the date of publication
to be 23 April 1632. In this mysterious document the anonymous
author -- someone researching Australia -- tells the story of a land of
people with bluish-black skin which has no art and no science nor any
written exchange. Nature has, however, given them a marvellous alternative
means of communication, providing them with sponges that soak up all sounds
and human language as well. People simply speak into the sponges and then
send them to the person for whom the message is destined; they in turn
lightly press on the sponge in order to hear the words they contain. The sponge-model of voice mail assumes that the materiality of the acoustic is somehow liquid: sound is something that can be soaked up. A similar liquidity of sound informs another proto-voice mail fantasy: storage by means of freezing and reproduction by subsequent thawing. Perhaps the most famous version of this rather widespread sixteenth century folkloric topos, besides the one by Munchhausen, is the rather amusing episode in Rabelais' Gargantua and Pantagruel, Chapter LVI, Book IV, in which a battle takes place during a winter so cold that the sounds of battle freeze and fall to the ground, only to thaw in the spring:
Even
more amazing is the Moon book described by Cyrano de Bergerac in 1656
in his Histoire comique des états et empires de la lune. Recounting
his arrival on the moon, Cyrano tells of being given two strange books
which one did not read but, instead, listened to. Each contained a complex
of watch-like gears and the pages had no letters. One read them 'with
one's ears', he explains.7 In order to grasp the contents one
simply placed a needle on the desired chapter and -- as if spoken by a
human voice -- one would hear it, loud and clear, albeit in the lunar
language, of course. The
crucial step that moved voice mail from the domain of fiction to that
of experiment was made, surprisingly enough, in the context of German
Romantic physics, still abuzz with the aphorist and researcher Georg Christoph
Lichtenberg's 1777 findings that tiny metal particles formed
distinct figures on positively or negatively charged fields: here the
mysterious phenomenon of electricity had finally become palpable, that
is, electrical force had been translated into a visible, i.e. readable
medium!8 An even more dramatic breakthrough of a very similar
sort was the discovery in 1787 by Ernst Florens Friedrich Chladni
-- now considered the father of acoustics -- of the visual patterns produced
by acoustic waves. Chladni's experiment consisted in spreading quartz
dust on glass plates that were then made to vibrate. Depending on the
rate of the vibration, the sand distributed itself into lines, curves
and hyperbolas, gathering in those areas that were free of movement. Here,
for the first time, one could associate acoustic phenomena with specific
graphic figures which, most importantly, were 'drawn' by the sounds themselves!
These 'tone figures', as Chladni explained in Die Akustik (1802), were
not arbitrary but rather in some sort of a 'necessary' -- indexical --
relation to the sounds. In the graphic traces of these 'script-like ur-images
of sound' one could see, what another German physicist, Johann Wilhelm
Ritter, called 'the notation of that tone which it has written by itself'. Barely a generation later, there begin a series of attempts to translate this idea of sound writing itself into a practical technology. Consider, for example, the apparatus that measures the vibrations of sounding bodies described by Thomas Young in his 1807 Course of lectures on natural philosophy and mechanical arts: here Young takes a tuning fork made to sound by bowing, and affixes to it a pen that draws the wave form corresponding to the pitch on a rotating cylinder. The same basic translation of sound into graphic traces also informs the appropriately named 'phonautograph' invented by the typographer Leon Scott of Martinville in 1858. In the mid 1850s Scott replaced the tuning fork with a sensitive membrane and a horn, rendering his device capable of capturing the acoustic waves in the air produced by various types of sound and translating them into wiggly lines inscribed on a charcoal-blackened paper mounted on a turning cylinder. Crucial here is to note that this apparatus was -- true to its name -- only an autograph, a self-writing as traces of sound. This is, of course, only the realisation of the first part of the tube voice mail fantasy: the capturing of the sounds as potentially transportable and then potentially readable inscription. With
the invention of photography the realisation of the essential second stage
of voice mail -- the restoration or retranslation of these traces back
into sound -- begin to proliferate. Typical in this regard was how Nadar
himself in 1856 came up with the idea of a daguerreotype acoustique
which would faithfully record and reproduce sounds with a fidelity comparable
to that of the photograph. In 1864 he again mused:
One
of these days it will come to pass that someone will present us with the
daguerreotype of sound -- the phonograph -- something like a box within
which melodies would be fixed and retained, the way the camera surprises
and fixes images. To such an effect that a family, I imagine, finding
itself prevented from attending the opening of a Force del destino or
an Afrique, or whatever, would only have to delegate one of its members,
armed with the phonograph in question, to go there. And upon his return:
'How was the overture?' 'Like this!' 'Too fast?' 'There!' 'And the quintet?'
'Don't you think the tenor screeches a bit?'9 It
was not Nadar, however, but another Frenchman, Charles Cros, a brilliant
French poet, artist, and scientist (author of the first two-colour photographic
process), who took Scott's idea and pushed it one step further, proposing
in a dossier deposited at the Paris Academy of Sciences on 30
April 1877 that one replace the charcoal paper with a wax cylinder
onto which a needle would engrave the traces transmitted to it by the
sensitive membrane. This is a major step, for by incising these waves,
they could subsequently be retraced by another needle -- or another stylus
-- which could translate them back into an acoustic event. Here was the
principle for a machine -- the paleophone -- that accomplished both inscription
and subsequent reproduction. The only problem was that the poor poet Cros
-- a friend of Verlaine's, and favorite son of the Surrealists -- was
just that: poor. He thus did not have the money to actually build his
device, which he christened the Parliophone. Then, to Cros' dismay, the
17 November 1877 issue of Scientific American announced
that work was being done in Menlo Park on the bold and original idea of
recording the human voice upon a strip of paper, from which at any subsequent
time, it might automatically be redelivered with all the vocal characteristics
of the original speaker accurately reproduced. Fearing -- and rightly
so -- that he would not be credited as having been the first to propose
such a device, Cros demanded that his dossier be opened and read at the
Academy, which it finally was on
5
December 1877. Two weeks later Edison, who had been able to actually build
a working model of his phonograph, applied for a patent. What
is crucial here is to consider for a moment the consequences already anticipated
by Scott's 'phonautograph' which was an attempt to produce, as the machine's
subtitle explained, an 'Apparatus for the Self-Registering of the Vibrations
of Sound'. The resulting 'natural stenography' would, in turn, be sound
writing itself.10 Similarly, during the first half of the nineteenth
century, phonography -- understood as 'a system of phonetic shorthand
invented by Isaac Pitman in 1837' (OED) -- was heralded as a 'natural
method of writing' and was arduously defended by worker's groups as a
means of making writing more widely accessible.11 But in what
sense could the gramophone function as a 'natural stenography', as a type
of 'phonography' in the Pitmanian sense? To answer
this question it is crucial to recall that one of the most popular --
but forgotten -- uses of the early phonographs was to record one's own
voice. Through the use of the gramophone, illiteracy would be eliminated
by substituting listening and speaking for reading and writing -- for
the first generation of gramophones could both play and record. They not
only played pre-recorded music, but could also be 'erased' and re-inscribed
with new music or a spoken message. The most widespread commercialisation
of this capability, of course, occurred in dictating machines, such as
Dr. Seward's phonograph diary in Bram Stoker's Dracula, and in gramophones
customised for learning languages. The use of gramophones as domestic
music machines was only a much later development. During both the initial
and the later phases however, there were also attempts to market the new
read/write talking machines (as they were called) for other purposes,
among them postal correspondence. Despite the fact that the phonograph
would eventually become almost exclusively a playback technology for musical
entertainment, Edison himself had conceived the device first and foremost
as a tool for business correspondence: The
main utility of the phonograph, [is] for the purpose of letter writing
and other forms of dictation, the design is made with a view to its utility
for that purpose.12
Edison
envisioned that 'phonogram' sheets containing as much as four thousand
words each would eventually become the primary epistolary form. What we
have here is nothing less than the first, literal, voice mail, the birth
of what elsewhere would come to be known as the phonopostal. The
'phono-post' speaking postcards which one could record and send through
the mail has made writing superfluous, a fact stressed by advertisements
which invited potential users to drop their dictionaries and 'Speak! Don't
write any more! Listen!' The ambivalent political consequences of what
is effectively a vision of instantaneous universal literacy -- similar
in this regard to the esperantist discourse surrounding the advent of
cinema -- are quite dramatic. Advertisements frequently staged the figure
of the young woman or girl juxtaposed with the dictionary-toting, bespectacled
old man, clearly casting her as the figure of the paradigmatically disenfranchised
-- that class of illiterates or semi-literates excluded from the privilege
of correspondence by their inability to read and write. Indeed, women
do become the primary users of the new dictation technology, marking,
as Friedrich Kittler has pointed out, a dramatic shift in the gender of
the previously male scribe class, with the proviso that, while women now
do largely dominate the material production of writing, it is most often
the writing of a male voice. Female secretaries take dictation, translating
voice into writing, phone into graphemes. Thus it is hardly surprising
that woman not only becomes identified with the phonographic correspondence,
but actually becomes the figure for the phonographic technology itself,
as in the logo of the Phonographische Zeitschrift, where the device that
translates the acoustic into writing is nothing other than a woman's body. Unlike
the cylinder phonographs used for dictation machines, the phono-post apparatuses
were often disc machines, a flat medium -- based on the gramophone model
developed by Emil Berliner in Washington in 1887 -- preferable
less because of its resemblance to traditional writing surfaces than for
the ease with which it could be mailed. The apparatuses marketed especially
for this purpose included the Phonopostal, a small, rather low quality
machine, and Pathi's Pathipost machine introduced in 1908 and
sold in limited quantities through WWI after which its name was changed
to Pathigraph. The phono-post, effectively the first not merely fantasmatic
but actually functional voice mail, unfortunately had problems: the inferior
quality of the phonographs produced recordings that were difficult to
understand
(to
which it must be added that few people knew the proper way to speak into
the horn in order to get the maximum clarity); and the recording medium
itself was quite fragile. The subsequent history of phono-post is short-lived, voice mail having to wait for the advent of the next popularly available read/write technology: the tape deck. In the meantime, a commercialised variant of phono-post appeared; the largely gimmick-oriented fad in the late 1940s and 1950s for gramophonic postcards -- images that one could play on a phonograph. These curious artifacts -- fascinating in that the two systems of their doubly inscribed surfaces (photographic and gramophonic) in no way interfere with each other despite the exponential increase in the density of information -- are not acoustic epistles in the same sense, for here sound (and image) are pre-fabricated, leaving only the traditional obverse space of the postcard for a penned missive. However, as a transportable materialisation of sound they are nevertheless part of the tradition of postally transmitted acoustic inscriptions. The
late 1950s saw the birth of yet another type of sendable acoustic data
-- the first acoustic news magazine: Sonorama. This complex artifact,
comprised of image, text and 33rpm discs to be 'read with the ear', effectively
adds, so we read in the premier issue of October 1958, a new sensory dimension
to print media, giving radio news a memory trace; a duration that exceeds
its transmission. Spiral bound and punctured in the middle with a hole,
one turns the pages of this journal, reading articles and then placing
the entire object on the gramophone, in order to listen to the acoustic
documents, music and interviews that make up the other 'pages'. Made possible
by the development of high quality record pressing on very thin vinyl
(flexidisks), the multimedia journal Sonorama, which continued well into
the 1960s, never provoked the dramatic revolution in the history of the
press that its founders anticipated. In its juxtaposition of text, image
and sound, in its insistence on the status of sound as text, it did, however,
make an important point about the condition of possibility
of the
material storage, transmission and reproduction of sound, namely that
it too is, in an important sense, writing. The proximity of the photographic,
textual and gramophonic traces in Sonorama only served to foreground their
semiotic heterogeneity. Unlike the photographs and articles which usually
can be read by means of our 'built in' apparatus (along with the necessary
technological supplements such as glasses, etc.), the acoustic 'texts'
usually did require an external interface in order to be read (indeed
one that -- through its spinning -- momentarily rendered the others unreadable).
Even the latter condition seems only contingent, if one is to take seriously
the case of Tim Wilson, a 33 year old Englishman who made the
rounds of British and American talkshows in 1985 demonstrating
his particular ability to 'read' unlabeled records simply by looking at
them, ostensibly reading the patterns of the grooves with his eyes! Alas,
this rather hilarious confirmation of Moholy-Nagy's vision of a gramophonic
'groove-script' remains unavailable to most people for whom the phonograph
'pages' remain undecipherable without the required technical prosthesis.
Although recognisable as inscriptions in their concentric spiral form,
it is these very traces that are being obliterated and/or reconfigured
in the pop-cultural practice of scratch. After
the Beep What
then can one learn in the school of scratch? Many things, surely, but
among them, a
lesson about the historicity of the inscriptional status of sound, a point
also explored by contemporary work on the gramophone by artists such as
Stuart Sherman or Maurizio Kagel. For with the elimination of the literal
grooviness of sound, acoustic writing has entered a new episteme, a new
paradigm called the digital. Today sound, image and text
are
all 'written' in the same digital language, a language whose 'fidelity'
and 'longevity' depends -- as voice mail always has -- on the particular
qualities of its mode of inscription. What we see here in this field of
pure difference -- which is to say the condition of writing as such --
is also, of course, sound as writing, but it is an inscription of a significantly
different sort. No longer an indexical trace, this digital code has abandoned
the order of the analogue which characterised both the photograph and
the gramophone, revealing the hidden semiotic solidarity between the two
elements of the gramophonic postcards: a now anachronistic indexicality.
If both the photo- and the phono-graphs bore some sort of existential
semiotic relation to the information they contained -- this being their
analogic character -- digital code is a writing that forsakes that economy
entirely, providing us with reliability of transmission by transforming
analogy into information, a sampling of the acoustic curve approximately
44,100 times per second which is then translated into 14, 16
or 18 digit strings of zeroes and ones. It is this that allows
us, with contemporary voice mail systems, to not only record, revise and/or
erase a message remotely, but also to literally send it elsewhere and
to multiple addresses. This
is not the place to explore in detail the semiotic specificity of digital
sound. Rather, the more modest goal of this meditation has been to establish
that for sound to travel -- across distance and time -- it must first
be translated into something else that is the condition of possibility
of that transmission. Indeed, as the voice and sound in general becomes
increasingly transmitted, as phonetic inscription seems to displace the
practice of writing, the history of phono-post reminds us -- as does the
auratic indexicality in contemporary hip-hop culture's practice of scratching
-- that, before the voice can be mailed, it must first be written. Voice
mail, in other words, reveals speaking as inscription, as translation,
as writing. 1 Siegfried Giedion, Mechanization Takes Command, New York: W.W. Norton, 1948, p. 3. 2 Frank J. Derfler, Jr., 'Voice E-Mail: Building Workgroup Solutions', in PC Magazine, July 1990, p. 13. 3 To get a sense of just what sort of memory demands we are talking about here, it might be helpful to point out that while the file size of a spoken text depends both on the sampling rate of the AD (analogue to digital) converter and the speech rate of the person speaking, for email it is circa 100k/minute; the higher the sound quality, the more memory it takes. 4 'Poulsen's Telegraphone', in Scientific American, 22 September 1900, p. 178. 5 On the pre-history of the gramophone, see Eugéne H. Weiss, Phonographes et Musique mécanique, Paris: Hachette, 1930, and W. Weiss-Strauffacher, Mechanische Musikinstrumente und Musikautomaten, Zurich: Orel Füssli Verlag, 1975. 6 François Rabelais, The Histories of Gargantua and Pantagruel, trans. J. M. Cohen, Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1955, p. 569. 7 Cyrano de Bergerac, Voyages to the Moon and the Sun, trans. R. Aldington, New York: The Orion Press, 1962, p. 136. 8 On the details of Lichtenberg's discovery see Walter D. Wetzels and Johann W. Ritter, Physik im Wirkungsfeld der deutschen Romantik, Berlin/New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1973, p. 88ff. 9 F. Nadar, Les Mémoires du géant, Paris: 1964, p. 1, cited in Jacques Perriault, Mémoires de l'ombre et du son: une archéologie de l'audio-visuel, Paris: Flammarion, 1981, pp. 133 - 34. 10 Edouard-Leon Scott de Martinville, Le Probleme de la parole s'ecrivant elle-meme, Paris: La France, l'Amerique (chez l'aute), 1878. In 1849 Scott had published a study of stenography entitled Histoire de la Stenographie depuis les temps anciens jusqu'a nos jours. 11 See the Pitman's 1840 Treatise Phonography or Writing by Sound; Being a Natural Method of Writing, Applicable to All Languages, and a Complete System of Shorthand, London: S. Bagster and Sons. 12 Thomas A. Edison, 'The Phonograph and Its Future', in North American Review, June 1878. |
|
| [ EIS 2 INDEX | CSA Home | Soundsite Home | System-X ] |